Taylor Domingos

INTRODUCTION

While COVID-19 has had profound impacts on the entirety of the population, single mothers are likely to face exacerbated inequalities in employment, childcare, and housework (Levine, 2020). My research will look at the disproportional impact that COVID-19 has had on single mothers, with a child under the age of 14, in the Greater Toronto Area. Single mothers, however, cannot be amalgamated into a homogenous group and instead, should be differentiated by those who are employed in permanent, full-time sectors with traditional hours, and those whose jobs may be insecure or precarious. This dichotomy has been understudied yet is a necessary consideration as income-levels and stability of work affect single mothers’ concerns and responses to the pandemic, and also their reliance on government subsidies. My research follows the two general research questions: 1) What are the similarities and differences among employed single mothers and those who have experienced job loss or a reduction of hours, in terms of both fears and how they are responding to them in the second wave of COVID-19? 2) How is the government aiding single mothers in the GTA during COVID-19 and do single mothers feel this is adequate?

To explore these questions, I use qualitative semi-structured phone interviews with 5 single mothers employed in precarious sectors, and 5 in stable, full-time employment. My findings suggest large-scale differences in financial loss for those in precarious employment and financial stability for those in full-time sectors during COVID-19. Mental health during the second wave of COVID-19 was exacerbated for single mothers in precarious employment, whilst having no effect on the comparison. Similarities between the two groups are noted in the difficulties facilitating online school for children during COVID-19 and the reliance on social support networks for childcare. The final analysis showcases the inadequacy of government aid on the basis of two major subsidies: the Canada Response Benefit and Daycare Subsidies.

DIFFERENCES AMONGST SINGLE MOTHERS IN PRECARIOUS AND STABLE EMPLOYMENT

Financial Loss and Instability for Single Mothers in Precarious Employment

The theme of financial loss and instability was one that was widely expressed by the precarious group and this theme proved largely different between the two comparison groups. During the second wave, many of the participants of single mothers in precarious employment sought out new jobs that would remain open as they could not afford a second lockdown. One of my participants speaks to this notion in the proceeding quote. Sienna, a 21-year-old single mother of one said:

Due to the pandemic, I worked at the mall and the mall was closed. So I couldn’t go back to work… Currently, I’m working. I work at a grocery store. I’m technically an essential service because I had to go find another job that I could work during COVID and that I wouldn’t be scared would close because I kind of need to continue to make money. I did go find an essential service job.

This quote demonstrates the notion of attempting to find essential service jobs that will provide income to pay for necessities related to single parenting, like food or rent. This concept has not been largely addressed in past literature; thus, the idea of fearing layoffs and attempting to find work is a relatively new finding in the literature on COVID-19 and single parenting. Similarly, other single mothers in my precarious group showcased difficulty in attempting to secure these new jobs that would remain open during province-wide lockdowns as they found it difficult to find childcare provision to do so. This is consistent with Brooks’ (1996) study that suggests that the most common barrier to securing stable employment for single mothers is a lack of childcare. This inability to find work as a result of a lack of childcare is identified in the quote below. Kristen, 40-year-old single mother of three notes:

Like especially during the pandemic, it’s really hard to, you know what I mean? It’s really hard finding a job and wondering who is going to watch my daughters. They’re young. Jacob goes to school full time along with my daughter who is 5. I now always feel on edge if I try to get a job now. How’s it going to work out? Where are they going to go right now? Is it going to be safe? Am I going to be off in time to pick them up?

This quote demonstrates that job searching for essential service jobs that would remain open was not only a necessity, but also that it was extremely difficult to find childcare amidst finding a job during COVID-19. The questions that this participant asks herself are found to be typical of single mothers who need to work but are unsure of where to leave their children. This quote also relates to existing literature which showcases single mothers’ fear that childcare provision may be inadequate or inappropriate; thus, causing them to sacrifice financial instability in order to stay at home with their children (Cook, 2012). My findings show that these concerns are likely exacerbated during COVID-19.

Financial Gain or Stability for Single Mothers in Stable Employment

            In contrast, single mothers in stable employment either reported no change in their finances, or even a promotion or raise. When asked about primary fears, financial instability was never noted in this group and they spoke as though COVID-19 posed no detrimental financial impact. Naja, a 39-year-old single mother of one states that, “I worked throughout the entire pandemic. My hours didn’t really diminish. They pretty much stayed the same.” A similar quote can be identified by Magda, a 41-year-old single mother of two, as she says: “Well, I’m a full-time administrative assistant at a hospital. I work Monday to Friday, pretty much nine to five, so for me, work just got busier if anything.” The final quotation indicative of the fact that financial gain was more prevalent than financial loss for single mothers in stable employment is produced by Vivian, 31-year-old single mother of two who claims, “So, I mean pre COVID I was a high school science teacher, and my hours were 8:20 to 2:20. Just recently, in the second wave I was actually promoted to guidance. So, my hours are able to be staggered. So, I can just jump on to work when my kids are done online.”

The above three quotes showcase the large disparity between the single mothers employed in precarious sectors and those that have full-time work during COVID-19. The gravest fear for single mothers in precarious employment was attempting to make an income that would serve as adequate for the basic necessities needed for parenting. With lockdowns and layoffs, this group found it challenging to maintain financial stability, and thus, went searching for jobs that would remain open. In contrast, COVID-19 and Ontario’s lockdowns had almost no effect on the financial stability of single mothers already employed in stable, full-time sectors, and any mention of change was positive.

Worsening of Precarious Single Mothers Mental Health During COVID-19

            Another prevalent theme amongst the group of precarious single mothers was that of worsening mental health conditions during the second wave of COVID-19. This theme proved largely different between the two comparison groups. Many single mothers in the precarious employment group made mention of worsening anxiety and depression. They stressed the difficulty in seeing the “light at the end of the tunnel” or seeing their circumstances getting better. A lot of this mental health concern stemmed from being isolated with their children and not receiving outside contact as they were prior to COVID-19, which is evident in Raquel, 45-year-old single mother of one’s, quote below:

Yeah, it’s just been really hard for us. I could say that. And for Stephanie’s anxiety, I had to reach out to my doctor which put us in contact again with the psychiatric ward at the hospital. And we did have therapy over ZOOM but it’s like she says it’s not same and they say it’s not the same. And I know she probably would like to open up more and she doesn’t because she’s scared. She’s gonna make me worry more. We kind of rely on each other for that but I think I think that’s another thing I know there’s sites for mental health support and all that. But not many kids are going to open up online or even over the phone.

            The above quote showcases a single mother whose mental health is worsening along with her daughter’s anxiety. She stresses the lack of mental health resources and the inadequacy of attending online counselling or therapy, which are some of the only options available during Ontario’s second lockdown. Choi, Byoun, & Kim (2020) emphasize the need for increased telehealth services to deal with mental health concerns, although the findings of this research show that this may not serve as the best option for single mothers as they have difficulty ‘opening up’ online. Another single mother, Kristen, in the precarious employment group notes:

Stressful. Very stressful. We live in a one bedroom right now and like it’s a large one bedroom. But like my daughters need a room, I need my own room, and my son needs his own room obviously. We’re in a large space but we’re always in each other’s faces constantly so yeah it is a struggle.I am in and out of depression and like, in a sense, I don’t want to wake up sometimes in the morning. I want to wake up but I just don’t have the drive when I wake up to want to do much except make sure they are fed and provide for them. I don’t even care about myself now most of the time. I put them first.

            This quote showcases that this group might be experiencing heightened mental health concerns as a result of their financial stress. For these women, financial loss and mental health often go hand in hand. The concept of putting one’s mental health aside to merely provide for children is one that was also common amongst this group of participants. These findings remain consistent with Choi, Byoun, & Kim (2020) whose study of single mothers in South Korea during COVID-19 show that they hold higher rates of depression amongst the rest of the population.

Stable Mental Health & ‘Liking’ Being at Home for Stable Employment Single Mothers

            In contrast, the difference in mental health can be seen in the group of mothers employed in stable or full-time work. There was not much mention of mental health concerns in this group at all. Magda, 41-year-old single mother of two, even mentioned appreciating remaining at home, and that their children were not finding it straining either:

But as far as having the girls here, my six-year-old, is a bit grumpy but the grade seven it’s been really a good experience for us. Because grade seven can be tough on girls. And there’s a lot of drama that she just doesn’t really want to deal with it and now we can kind of bypass all that…If it wasn’t for the financial aspect of COVID and what that has done to me then I could do this.

            The above quote showcases a common theme amongst this group which is the ability to continue lockdown measures without severe impacts on mental health; thus, noting an evident difference between the group of mothers in precarious and stable employment in relation to mental health.

SIMILARITIES AMONGST SINGLE MOTHERS IN PRECARIOUS AND STABLE EMPLOYMENT

Facilitating Online School for Children with Only One Parent at Home

            During the second wave of COVID-19 in Ontario, beginning in January 2021, all levels of schooling moved online, including both elementary and high school. The most notable similarity amongst both my comparison groups were the challenges related to facilitating schoolwork for their children while also trying to complete their own work at home or complete household tasks.Regardless of age, none of my participants children were able to do this entirely independently or on their own. Raquel, 45-year-old single mother of one, suggests:

Uh well it’s a struggle, because, you know, having to work but also help Stephanie with school. And she, she suffers from social anxiety disorder, and she doesn’t like online at all. So, it’s been a struggle since she’s been home, even throughout the holidays. Okay, she just, she just goes into, like, the panic mode. And then it’s trying to juggle everything, like, you know. I help her, she needs help, because she also has an IEP for certain subjects. So, I do have to assist her.

            This quote, provided by a single mother in the precarious employment group, demonstrates the challenges related to having to balance work and facilitating online school for her child. Although her child is 14, she suffers from additional challenges related to learning disabilities that make it all the more difficult for her mother to help her adjust to the new online learning environment. Similarly, Roberta, a 37-year-old single mother in stable, full-time employment notes the following:

So, a lot of the online for her again with her teacher it was independent learning. And I was working a full-time job right so there was times when it’s like I’m in meetings and I have her knocking on my door because she needs help on something like it was juggling the job with client meetings and all that stuff and due dates and deadlines and still having to kind of guide her and help her through her online.

            It is evident that both groups face the similar, COVID-19 specific, stressor of having to facilitate online learning for their children irrespective of age. This adds a new barrier and challenge to single parenting that was not present before the pandemic. This notion of online school facilitation, being specific to Ontario, has not been addressed in the literature on single mothers or COVID-19. Hertz, Mattes, & Shook (2020) do mention, however, the difficulty single mothers face in completing work tasks while faced with the constant interruption of their children.

Receiving Social Support from Family During COVID-19

A final notable similarity for both single mothers employed in precarious and stable employment was the reliance on pre-existing social support networks for the provision of childcare. Irrespective of lockdown measures in Ontario, both groups made mention of calling on family to watch their children when they were in need of a break or needed to work. Both groups also made mention of family members coming to stay with them for short periods of time. Vivian, a 31-year-old single mother in stable employment notes:

So I have a great support system. My brother lives quite close to me with his wife and kids in case I need to get out he can watch them. My mom and dad, as well. I mean they live in Mississauga and I’m in Burlington but they’re always available during COVID…  there are times I’m like can you take them for the night because I’m going to kill someone. I have not had a break away from these kids all day, every day, day in and day out.

            The above quote, provided by a single mother employed in stable work, showcases the reliance on family members to provide a ‘break’ or time away from children. This is inconsistent with Hertz & Ferguson (1998) finding that single mothers employed in full-time jobs would prefer to buy ‘help,’ as opposed to relying on their personal networks. Similarly, single mothers from the group employed in precarious sectors spoke of a similar reliance on family members, as evidenced by 21-year-old Sienna who suggests: “Having people in my home did make it better and like, my mom is working from home. She’s been a big help when like I have no one to watch Melissa or if I work a late shift.”

            Both of these quotes showcase the equivalency in both single mothers in precarious and stable employments reliance on family and personal networks for the provision of childcare. They prove inconsistent with previous literature on COVID-19 and parenting, which suggests that single mothers would not rely on relatives as they did not live with them and feared the spread of COVID-19, yet before the pandemic they were able to call on these supports when needed (Hertz, Mattes, & Shook, 2020). The participants in this study showed that the potential spread of COVID-19 came as a secondary fear to that of mental health worsening and needing a break from children, and the need for help with childcare.

GOVERNMENT SUBSIDIES

1. COVID-19 Related Subsidies

Canada Recovery Benefit (CRB)

The Canada Recovery Benefit (CRB) provides $900 every two weeks to those who have experienced a loss of employment or 50 percent reduction in income as a result of COVID-19 (Government of Canada, 2021a). In order to be eligible, one must also be able to show that they have made at least $5000 in income in either 2019 or 2020 (Government of Canada, 2021a). One must not have turned down work and must have been seeking or willing to work during the periods they are applying for (Government of Canada, 2021a).

Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)

The Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) provides $2000 every four weeks to those who have experienced job loss as a result of COVID-19 (Government of Canada, 2021b).  In order to be eligible, one must also be able to show that they have made at least $5000 in income in either 2019 or 2020 (Government of Canada, 2021b).

• Pre-COVID Subsidies for Single Mothers

Ontario Child Benefit

The primary benefit awarded to single mothers in Ontario is the Ontario Child Benefit. This benefit grants differential amounts to mothers, dependent on their income (Ministry of Children, Community, and Social Services, 2010). It is to be utilized for all fees related to raising children, however, the maximum amount that can be granted is $1,461 dollars per child each year (Ministry of Children, Community, and Social Services, 2010). For women in precarious employment, $1,461 likely will not serve as enough to provide for children.

Childcare Subsidies

The average cost of childcare in Ontario, the province with the highest childcare costs, range from $940 a month for a preschooler to $1,080 per month for a toddler (Finding Quality Childcare, n.d.). If the family income is below $20,000, as single mothers in precarious employment might find themselves in this bracket, then childcare will be fully subsidized (Kozicka, 2016). If the mother makes $40,000 or more, she will need to contribute 20 percent of the childcare costs, while the subsidy may cover the remainder (Kozicka, 2016). For those in stable employment, who are likely making a net income of $70,000 or more, they will be expected to pay between $800 to $1000 a month (Region of Peel, 2020).

            The following section will outline the findings in relation to the second question that was examined, which is the impact of government aid on single mothers in the GTA during COVID-19 and whether single mothers feel this is adequate. This theme was spoken on solely by the single mothers in precarious or insecure employment. The stable employment group responded to questions about government aid in saying that they have not received any. The section will be organized around two government subsidies, one that is COVID-19 specific, the Canada Response Benefit, and one that was pre-existing, Daycare Subsidies.

1. COVID-19 Related Benefits: Canada Response Benefit (CRB)

            Single mothers in precarious employment reported collecting CERB either while they were laid off, or when their income was below $1000. The primary reason they felt CERB was inadequate was because they did not feel it did a good job analyzing an individual’s circumstance and merely provided a universal benefit. Being single mothers, in low-paying work, they felt as though the Canadian government made no attempt in their application to ask about specific circumstances and allocate different amounts of money accordingly. They felt the $900 bi-weekly benefit was too low to cover necessities like rent or food. Elena, 49-year-old single mother of two suggests that government subsidies are too low in saying that: “No, no. No, absolutely not. I mean like right now they’re giving us $900 every two weeks. And that that doesn’t cover anything. That barely even covers our rent. Especially me like I used to be a business owner and now it’s like what am I supposed to do with 900 dollars every two weeks.”

            The above mentioned quote showcases the inadequacy of CRB benefit for single mothers in precarious employment. Another facet mentioned is the fact that these single mothers would likely be making more money working, as opposed to collecting benefits. This is largely inconsistent with literature on single mothers and COVID-19 as it states that single mothers in low-income, precarious work are better off receiving welfare during this time than working unstable hours for low pay (Choi, Byoun, & Kim, 2020). With the low $900 bi-weekly benefit this did not prove to hold true. Similarly, Elena added: “But I do have to say that every time I apply for that money I am extremely nervous. I feel like I am going to have to, in one way or another, pay for it later. So you know to ask them for more puts me in an even more insecure position. So I don’t know what the answer is.”

            This quote showcases another common fear that was mentioned by single mothers in precarious employment in relation to CRB, which is the fear of having to pay back large amounts of the benefit when tax season comes into effect. For this reason, single mothers in precarious employment did not recommend raising the benefit in its entirety, but instead felt as though the application should inquire about whether an individual is a single mother and provide specific relief for those women.

• Pre-Existing Subsidy: Daycare Subsidy

            The second benefit mentioned by single mothers in precarious employment was not COVID-19 specific but still noted to be largely inadequate. The primary problem that single mothers in precarious employment had with the daycare subsidy was its inability to accommodate non-traditional schedules that do not fit in the 9 to 5 bracket. One 21-year-old single mother, Sienna, who is employed at a grocery store, noted: “Yeah and like my daycare hours are 7am to 6pm. So if you work a regular like nine to five job. And like, maybe like four out of seven days I’ll work daycare hours. And then a couple days I close and work till 9:30. And then those, well, I need someone’s help.”

            This is consistent with previous literature on single mothers employed in insecure or non-traditional sectors, which has suggested that government funded childcare made no attempt to accommodate non-traditional schedules, like working early or late in the night (Brooks, 1996; Son & Bauer, 2010). Since this has been looked at in literature dating back to 1996, it shows Western society’s value of traditional work and devaluing of shift work, which is reflected in government aid. A more COVID-19 specific inadequacy related to daycare subsidies was noted in the fact that daycares were facing constant closures. This is also evidenced by 21-year-old Sienna, as she states:

But yesterday I literally got calls, literally yesterday, that I had to pick her up early. I dropped her off around 9:30. Then I got calls around 12:00 that I had to pick her up early because one of the teachers had tested positive for COVID. So she’s now not allowed to return until Monday, because they need the like four or five days off to fully sanitize the place and make sure the teachers aren’t coming back until they’re fully well…. So daycare closing is like oh my god I need help 24/7.

            This quote showcases the lack of government address for daycare closures during COVID-19 and how the subsidy makes no accommodations for such matters. The Ontario government evidently does not recognize the circumstance of single mothers who may rely on daycare as their only method of childcare and how a closure may affect their work. A recommendation was provided by two single mothers in precarious employment as they suggested that the government should provide emergency daycare centres that children can attend should their daycare close, that the subsidy would cover.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

            Drawing on the recommendations provided by several single mothers in this research, two primary policy recommendations can be provided. The first pertains to the Ontario government obtaining specificities in relation to life circumstances and social factors on the COVID-19 subsidy applications. The inclusion of questions regarding parental status, marital status, number of children, and other relevant factors should allow for the COVID-19 benefit to be more specific, as opposed to a universal benefit of $900 every two weeks. Should increased benefits be given to single mothers, however, the Ontario government must ease their concerns associated with having to repay this money amidst tax season. The government of Ontario should provide exemptions or allow for this taxable benefit to be repaid in small increments as opposed to in lump sum. In addition, while daycare benefits proved beneficial for several participants, COVID-19 closures rendered the benefit less effective. As mentioned by several single mothers in this research, the Ontario government should provide emergency daycare locations when daycares face closures, instead of requiring that the children remain home for a prolonged period. This will likely ameliorate some of the burden that single mothers face in balancing work, especially with non-traditional hours, and childcare.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

            The above paper extensively examined the two research questions of: 1) What are the similarities and differences among employed single mothers and those who have experienced job loss or a reduction of hours, in terms of both fears and how they are responding to them in the second wave of COVID-19? 2) How is the government aiding single mothers in the GTA during COVID-19 and do single mothers feel this is adequate? The findings though widespread demonstrate several important notions. The first being that a global pandemic, such as that of COVID-19, poses differing effects for single mothers in precarious and stable employment. The most significant difference was identified in the form of financial stability, as single mothers in precarious employment have difficulty providing for their children and face the burden of finding work that remains open in lockdown to do so. Another important societal notion, stemming from this, is that single mothers in precarious employment face heightened mental health concerns as a result of their precarious financial state that those in stable employment do not showcase. There were, however, homogenous similarities between the two groups, which were identified in relying heavily on social networks for the provision of childcare and devoting significant time to helping their children facilitate online school. The final findings of the report are significant as they speak to the inadequacy of government subsidies in aiding single mothers through COVID-19. The low value of 900 dollars bi-weekly, which is provided by CRB benefits, was noted not to adequately cover all of the expenses single mothers face, particularly those of rent and childcare. Similarly, daycare subsidies, while beneficial in some ways, do not address constant closures of daycares during COVID-19, that leave single mothers with no alternative method of childcare. On a larger scale, addressing these topics in sociological research is significant as it might influence policy, and since many of the women spoke to gaps in policy and current government subsidies, this study might influence policy makers to implement more resources for single mothers during this time.

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Miguel Angel Becerra

In 1973, the “migrant worker” recruitment program was introduced in Canada, under the Non-Immigrant Employment Authorization Program (NIEAP) (Sharma 2002). The purpose of this program was to fill shortages in the labour force by recruiting workers into Canada (Sharma 2002). This program grants temporary visas to migrant workers, with the possibility of applying to permanent residency after at least 24 months of continuous employment (Preibisch & Hennebry 2011). In my research, I focus on the agricultural sector of the temporary foreign worker (TFW) program. Although there are various streams into agricultural work through the TFW program, nearly three quarters are hired under the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) (ESDC 2019; Sexsmith, Minkoff-Zern and Weiler 2021). The main reason for the huge amount of outsourced agricultural labour is largely due to agricultural companies’ push for a legalized temporary farm workforce. However, the temporary residency status that migrant workers are assigned thus places them in a very low status within Canada. They are not granted the same rights and benefits as landed immigrants and suffer vastly as a result. To begin with, migrant workers do not qualify for basic services and social programs that Canadian citizens are entitled to, such as employment insurance (EI), ESL training, or daycare, to name a few (Byl 2010). Scholarship on this topic has largely focused on the poor working and living conditions that migrant workers face during their employment periods (Byl 2010; Carlos & Wilson 2018; Khan 2009; Preibisch & Hennebry 2011; Sharma 2002), however, the recent COVID-19 pandemic brought many of these issues to viral media and public attention when a number of outbreaks were announced on Canadian farms. Because of this, I analyze the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Seasonal Agricultural Work Program (SAWP) in particular.

            My main research questions include: how did COVID-19 affect the Seasonal Agricultural Work Program? What were the changes made to the program? How did the changes occur? Who were the main actors involved in changing the conditions of the Seasonal Agricultural Work Program?

            In my broader research, I frame my perspective on the issues associated to this program within the food regime perspective, which is valuable in understanding why this program has been in place for so long without valuable reform. The food regime perspective takes on a political economy approach, in the sense that it associates the capitalist accumulation of large agri-food sector corporations in the global north on the dependence of low-cost, productive, and compliant workers from the global south (Sexsmith, Minkoff-Zern and Weiler 2021). However, here, I provide an overview of what occurred during the pandemic through a compilation of data sourced mostly from media sources, local organizations, and government websites. This data demonstrates how workers were affected and compensated by the pandemic. I conclude by arguing that the Seasonal Agricultural Work Program (SAWP) is ultimately an exploitative program that relies on the economic inequality between the global south and the global north for outsourced labour; a process that benefits large companies and corporations in the global north at the cost of foreign workers’ lives. Therefore, I illustrate that the COVID-19 government response to the temporary foreign worker program only further demonstrated the disposability of temporary foreign workers at the expense of the Canadian government and transnational agricultural companies/corporations. More substantive reform is required to combat the foundational issues of this program.

FUNCTIONAL PURPOSE OF THE SAWP: A FOOD REGIME PERSPECTIVE

            The Seasonal Agricultural Work Program’s purpose is driven by large food and agricultural corporations’ push for a reliable temporary farm workforce. However, some of the latent effects of this program have to do with the economic advantages that it provides to the Canadian government and retail and agricultural companies throughout Canada, who rely on a temporary migrant workforce for compliant, low-cost, and efficient labour. The harsh reality of this program is that many of the workers who come to Canada (mostly from Mexico and the Caribbean) do so in hopes of leaving the precarious environment of their home countries and attaining permanent residency in Canada. With a 24-month work requirement in place before being able to apply for permanent residency, this dream hardly ever becomes a reality (Fudge 2014). Various scholars have also documented the use of employer deportability as an institutionalized method of deferring permanent residency status applications (Vosko 2018, Nakache et al. 2015). Furthermore, due to workers’ temporary status, workers are largely ineligible for basic social programs and supports. They also hardly ever speak fluent English. The racialized nature of this program is thus what allows the program to function as a legal system of labour recruitment that allows Canadian employers and the state to “exploit the legislated vulnerability and lack of entitlements of those placed in the state category of non-immigrant (Nandita 2002 p. 16).” In other words, the existence of this program allows for employers to bring TFWs into Canada with few safeguards and protection, facilitating the possibility for employers to take advantage of them (Byl 2010). Due to this, temporary workers have been labeled a ‘disposable workforce’, in which deportability and strict control over workers is often facilitated through policy (Byl 2010, Basok et al. 2014). Various scholars have thus considered the economic and political elements to this program, arguing that agricultural programs have historically worked to facilitate capital accumulation in the global agri-food system, and allow Canadians to attain more secure and lucrative employment elsewhere (Glassco 2012, Callon 2016, Sexsmith, Minkoff-Zern and Weiler 2021). In this sense, the SAWP is ultimately reliant on the economic inequality between host countries such as Canada or the United States, and the racialized countries from which agricultural labour is sourced from (typically Mexico or the Caribbean) in order to achieve capital gain (Glassco 2012, Callon 2016, Sexsmith, Minkoff-Zern and Weiler 2021). The food-regime perspective thus encompasses the neo-liberal nature of some of the largest food corporations in the global north, who look to increase production and reduce costs of labour through legalized outsourced labour (Sexsmith, Minkoff-Zern and Weiler 2021). In sum, the combination of state and capitalist power facilitates the continued presence of this exploitative program in Canada.

A visual representation of the food-regime perspective is demonstrated below:

METHODS

            In light of COVID-19, many of the issues and injustices that migrant workers face will be exacerbated, therefore placing these populations in even more precarious and vulnerable positions than they previously were. Meanwhile, agricultural migrant workers have come to occupy an ‘essential’ role within Canadian society, further demonstrated by the introduction of COVID-19, where many Canadian families are relying on foreign workers to provide the food on their tables. My main data collection method consist of media/news sources and data collected by non-profit and community organizations that will directly answer my research questions. There are various media outlets that cover these topics in an effort to re-iterate the necessity of Canada’s migrant workers and provide a platform for these workers’ experiences to be heard, such as CBC News, Global News, and CTV News. There are also various advocate organizations (such as Justice for Migrant Workers and Migrant Workers Alliance), lawyers, and migrant workers that collaborated with the media in order to outline how COVID-19 has affected migrant populations. Another major facet of my data collection pertains to the government responses to the COVID-19 outbreaks on Canadian farms in late 2020. To touch on this, I rely on government websites to compile a list of the major changes made to the program following heavy media coverage on these issues.

DATA ANALYSIS

CHANGES ANNOUNCED TO THE SAWP DURING COVID-19

            Prior to the start of the second wave of the pandemic, temporary changes to the SAWP program were announced. The changes largely resulted from public and media attention regarding the concentrated nature of COVID-19 cases on Canadian farms, which could ultimately endanger Canadians’ food supply. Workers were granted a number of new rights and benefits, including access to EI, CERB, new government-mandated employer demands, such as adequate accommodations for employees, new sanitation stations, COVID-19 protocols, and safe living conditions. It also included employer-provided accommodations for infected workers, and a paid 14-day quarantine for workers upon arrival into Canada. Employers were also made subject to fines for non-compliance, and inspections by the federal government were put in place to enforce fulfillment. In total, there was a $58.6 million investment into the TFW program meant to strengthen the program and safeguard the migrant working population from COVID-19. A summary of the main changes to the program are outlined below (Canada, Employment and Social Development 2020):

• Strengthening of the employer inspections regime
• Improvements to how allegations of employer non-compliance are made (anonymous complaint resources made available to workers—1-800 tip line and on-line portal)
• Implementation of virtual employer inspections, which could be initiated in two ways: from a random selection of employers, or in response to a tip of allegation received through the 1-800 tip line or on-line portal
• Inspections will require employers to provide proof of wages, photos or tour of living, private isolation, and working spaces, and proof of adequate supply of sanitation products for workers to use
• Direct infrastructure improvements to living quarters, temporary or emergency housing (employers must ensure that workers are isolated separately from other workers not isolating or under quarantine; employer accommodations must also provide at least 2 feet of space between workers at all times)
• More PPE, sanitary stations, and other health and safety measures under the Quarantine Act
• Mandatory employer requirements to provide private accommodations for any workers with signs of symptoms of COVID-19
• New employer expectations and requirements (must ensure that workers are paid wages, at least 30 hours per week during initial 14-day isolation period. Must also ensure that they do not do anything to prevent the worker’s compliance with order or regulation under the Quarantine Act/Emergencies Act.
• EI and CERB eligibility
• Temporary health and benefits
• Penalties for employer non-compliance ranging from $1,000 to $1 million over 1 year; ban of 1, 2, 5, or 10 years, or permanent bans from the program for the most serious violations

Source: Canada, Employment and Social Development (2020)

THE MEDIA AS AN ASSET FOR CHANGE

            During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada, a number of outbreaks on Canadian farms initially brought attention to the harsh working and living conditions that migrant workers were dealing with. The precarity of their work, coupled with the essential nature of their job within Canadian society meant that their issues were finally being brought to the forefront of Canadian news media. A number of different news outlets covered their stories.

            One of the first major media coverage on migrant workers came in June 2020, when there were over 175 new cases of COVID-19 found on a Windsor-Essex farm in Ontario (Boggart, CTV News 2020). Due to the media attention drawn to the concentrated nature of these cases, it was publicly released that over 1000 agricultural workers had been diagnosed with COVID-19 in Ontario (a dataset made available by Chris Ramsaroop, a spokesperson for the advocacy group Justice for Migrant Workers). This led to a public outcry by various advocate groups to shut down farms as COVID-19 cases soared among workers. Throughout the pandemic, these groups were instrumental in demanding rights and benefits for migrant workers, ever since one of the first media coverages of the issue:

            “The industry must immediately cease production, and, as a society, we must demand that the interests of the workers are paramount, not the profits of a billion-dollar industry…our message to provincial and federal politicians—stop murdering migrants by your inactions (Chris Ramsaroop—Justice for Migrant Workers advocacy group representative; CTV News 2020).”

            Due to the public attention and urgent level of distress demonstrated by workers and various advocate groups, there was an immense amount of pressure put on the government to react to the various injustices migrant workers were facing within a program that enabled such high levels of concentrated virus transmission. Various workers also communicated their stressors to media unanimously, arguing that the working and living conditions of the program made it impossible to contain the spread of the virus. At the same time, they feared of speaking out, needing the money to send back home to their families, and being afraid of termination or deportation.

Syed Hussan, executive director of the Migrant Workers Alliance for Change advocacy organization, says many workers aren’t paid off when they are sick off from work, preventing them from sending money home to their loved ones that rely on it…’because we don’t have proper rights, they step on our necks (CTV News 2020).’”

Right away, both the Ontario and federal government pledged to ramp up inspections and oversight at Canadian farms to prevent the further spread of infections. However, media coverage by various Canadian news outlets continued to put pressure on the government by releasing alternate versions of this initial call for the program’s re-assessment. 

            Global News’ Jasmine Pazzano (2020) released her own report on the issue. By that point, more than 1300 foreign workers on farms had contracted the virus, and three people had died. This information was made available, once again, by the advocacy group Justice for Migrant Workers. The group was at the forefront of all media coverage, and in this article, aside from the alarming rate of virus transmission, they also spoke about the mistreatment that workers were facing, including being fed insufficient meals while under quarantine, and staying in cramped bunk beds separated by cardboard; a space that made social distancing and virus prevention impossible. This article also provided coverage on a major re-occurring issue within the program; the ability for employers to terminate workers without any repercussions. It discussed the experiences of two workers who were fired after they invited advocate workers onto their farms. Although visitors were allowed, and the workers had cleared the visit with their supervisor, the workers were fired days after the visit. Therefore, at the time of this news release, workers were ultimately suffering the most, and the government response was nowhere to be seen. In a statement to Global News (2020), Chris Ramsaroop, an organizer for the advocate group Justice for Migrant Workers, stated:

            “We should all be outraged that so many people are falling through the cracks during the pandemic. The people who grow our food are growing hungry and getting sick. The government, the employers…no one is raising a finger.”

The article also included videos taken by workers showing their living quarters, marked by broken toilets and stovetops, grimy showers, and beds in extremely close quarters. Ayres (2020) also spoke with Luis Gabriel Flores, a migrant worker whose work season came to an abrupt end when his bunk mate died of COVID-19, prompting him to speak out about the injustices of the program to the media. He was terminated days after but stayed in Canada illegally, seeking legal compensation for the seven months of employment he was initially entitled to. After a long, hard-fought legal battle, the Ontario Labour Relations Board ruled in favour of Luis.

Jesus Molina and Erika Zavala were another pair of workers terminated for receiving donations of food and clothing at their farm, stating:

            “We have no right to anything. They think that by giving us work, they do us a favour because with the situation in Mexico it’s very difficult. We are their slaves, and we are only going to work and not entitled to anything else.”

            In a comprehensive analysis of this program, it is clear that workers are the ones suffering the most, while Canadian employers, society, and food systems rely on their exploitation to survive. According to Fay Faraday, Labour and Human Rights Lawyer and migrant worker advocate:

            “This entire program depends on there being massive economic inequality between Canada and the countries where the workers come from. If there wasn’t that inequality, workers wouldn’t come (CTV News 2020).” As a result, many workers endure harsh conditions and poor treatment from employers.

      Despite the extensive literature and research on the precarious nature of the SAWP, the most effective method of achieving changes to the program ended up being the vast amount of public attention garnered by the media regarding the concentration of COVID-19 cases on Canadian farms. COVID-19 thus exacerbated pre-existing issues and brought them to light through media coverage. Advocates, justice organizations, employees, and lawyers, then came together and played a communal role in using that media attention to shine a light on workers’ issues in a public way that demanded a government response. Ultimately, it was up to policy makers to decide how the program was to change, but the media attention garnered by these individuals and organizations were imperative in ensuring that changes to the program be made.

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RESPONSE IN ADDRESSING FOUNDATIONAL ISSUES OF THE SAWP

            I want to focus on the level of precariousness that farm workers face; before and during COVID. Temporary foreign farm workers are essential to Canadian society, and COVID-19 really brought that to light. At the same time, COVID-19 enhanced the level of precariousness farm workers faced due to the poor living and working conditions they faced. As a result, there were numerous outbreaks on Canadian farms populated by temporary foreign workers. In response, the government announced a number of changes late last year to combat the many issues that accompanied those outbreaks in relation to the SAWP program as a whole. Although the government seems to be doing a lot to protect this population, many of the foundational aspects of the program remain unchanged, and a lot of the government’s response policies are labelled as temporary, meaning there is no guarantee that the temporary eligibility given to workers for EI, CERB and other social programs will remain. In fact, one could argue that one of the only certain lasting effects of the government reform to the SAWP is the inspections that will assure safe living conditions for migrant workers. Furthermore, many of the changes announced are catered towards ensuring that employers make sure their workers do not contract the virus and remain socially isolated from each other whenever any suspicion of virus transmission occurs. In sum, however, there are a lot of foundational issues of the SAWP that remain. The table below summarizes the main issues addressed by the COVID-19 response from the federal government, which issues were exacerbated by COVID-19, and which issues were unaddressed by the reform:

*Although the federal government has provided workers with better resources in accessing some social services and resources, there is no guarantee that they will still have access to EI, CERB, and other programs post-COVID-19.

CONCLUSION

            In sum, the COVID-19 pandemic played a unique and crucial role in publicly exposing some of the structural characteristics of the SAWP that negatively affect migrant farmworker populations. This allowed various advocates for migrant rights to come forward and voice their opinions on the nature of the SAWP, pushing the federal government to issue a response to the public outcry. It also demonstrated the extreme necessity of our agricultural migrant worker population. Without them, our food supply system would dissipate. Unfortunately, despite the government’s intervention that saw $59 million in targeted funding towards safeguarding workers’ safety during a global pandemic, it is clear that a large majority of the foundational issues of the SAWP remain unchanged. These changes also fail to address what is largely considered to be the most prominent issue surrounding the SAWP and Temporary Foreign Worker Programs as a whole; the fact that permanent residency is largely impossible for most of these workers to attain. After all, most migrant workers ultimately come to Canada in hopes of someday attaining permanent residency, a dream that hardly ever becomes reality. Using a food regime perspective, it becomes clear that the functionality of this program depends on cheap, reliable, and productive temporary labour sourced from the global south, with the main focus being capital accumulation and a monopolization of the agri-food system in the global north. Thus, the federal government should work to develop more permanent pathway options for agricultural migrant workers that would accommodate them just like any other working Canadian citizen. Although the changes announced under the federal government’s response to the COVID-19 outbreaks on Canadian farms made some advancement in assuring better living conditions for migrant workers, migrant workers and the SAWP need and deserve more substantive reform that looks to fully integrate migrant workers into Canadian society. The temporary changes announced as a response to the 2020 outbreaks on Canadian farms are largely catered around the evitability of COVID-19 transmission, rather than addressing the foundational issues of the SAWP that advocates and researchers alike have been denouncing for years. In conclusion, the government’s temporary COVID-19 response only further demonstrated the disposability of temporary foreign workers at the expense of the Canadian government and transnational agricultural companies/corporations. More substantive reform is required to combat the foundational issues of this program.

***

Miguel Angel Becerra

Miguel is completing the final year of his undergraduate degree at the University of Toronto Mississauga, doing a double major in Criminology and Sociology. He is passionate about topics related to social justice and global inequality. Once he graduates, he will be preparing to write the LSATs over the summer as he hopes to attend law school.

Taylor Domingos

From the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, beginning in March of 2020, it has been nothing short of newsworthy. Since then, the global pandemic has been featured on every news outlet and media source as a daily occurrence. My family and I frequently watch the nightly news provided by CityTV. The news reported daily of death tolls, outbreaks in long-term care centres, the exhaustion of frontline workers, and the detrimental economic impact related to the closure of small businesses. I couldn’t help but notice, however, there was an elephant in the room. Single mothers, a vulnerable, but less discussed, population were missing from the daily news reporting. Not a single news outlet featured the stories of a population forced to navigate already socially undesirable circumstances during an unprecedented time. After recognizing this lack of acknowledgement by local news outlets, I sought to highlight what these news outlets failed to: the disproportional impact that COVID-19 has had on single mothers, with children under the age of 13, in the Greater Toronto Area.

My Research

My research examined how the second wave of COVID-19 is different than the first wave for single mothers in the GTA, specifically in terms of new fears that may have arisen for them. Here,  I paint the picture of what life is like for one particular single mother in the GTA, in hopes of acknowledging the elephant in the room.

Sienna’s Story

• 

Sienna was the first mother I spoke to. Her case differs from the  other participants in my study, though she does not serve as an anomaly amongst many single mothers in the GTA. Sienna is 21 and her daughter is 2 years old. Due to her young age and single parent status, Sienna was already in an unfavourable position prior to COVID-19. With the onset of the pandemic, however, she faces a plethora of new challenges she never thought possible.

Work

Sienna’s maternity leave ended in March, around the time when lockdowns were beginning to take place in the GTA. She was expecting to return to her prior drugstore job, but after contacting the drugstore and asking when she should return, they notified her that she was being laid off due to the pandemic. Having a dependent meant that Sienna had to quit this job in search of another.

_{“I had to quit because it was too iffy. Like okay we were in lockdown, and we kept on like, prolonging it. Two weeks more, two weeks more, two weeks more. I’m like how many two weeks am I able to go without getting paid?”}

Sienna stressed her fear of not being able to have enough money to provide for her daughter with her recent lay-off. She collected three months of CERB as she applied at every essential service job in her neighbourhood. She feared that she would not be able to find a job that provided benefits, like her old job provided, which she needed for her daughter’s medication. After 3 months, Sienna ended up being able to find a job as a grocery store associate, benefits included.

 _{“I had to go find another job, an essential service job, that I could work during COVID and that I wouldn’t be scared would close because I needed to continue to make money.”}

COVID-19 has increased grocery shopping tremendously, which resulted in increased working hours for grocery store workers. Sienna notes that because of this, she is caught between a rock and a hard place. Specifically, her job asks that she work 40 hours a week, often requesting that she come in early. However, these shifts are irregular and can change  every week. She finds it difficult to work around her daughter’s schedule; a problem that is common of single mothers working during COVID-19.

_{“my daycare hours are 7am to 6pm. So it’s good if you work a regular like nine to five job. And like, maybe like four out of seven days I’ll work daycare hours. And then a couple days I close and work till 9:30. And then those, well, I need someone’s help.”}

Childcare

• 

For much of the interview Sienna spoke about how new COVID-19 related uncertainties are plaguing her daycare. She was living through one of them as we spoke. Her daughter’s daycare had just shut down for the next 5 days because one of the daycare instructors testing positive for COVID-19. This left Sienna in a difficult position because she had to continue to work yet was provided with no alternative method of childcare.

 _{“Yesterday I literally got calls, literally yesterday, that I had to pick her up early. I dropped her off around 9:30. Then I got calls around 12:00 that I had to pick her up early because one of the teachers had tested positive for COVID. So she’s now not allowed to return until Monday, because they need the like four or five days off to fully sanitize the place and make sure the teachers aren’t coming back until they’re fully well.”}

Sienna speaks to the fact that these matters are all the more upsetting as she is paying large sums of money to put her daughter in daycare. She receives government subsidies that help to cover the majority of her monthly fees, which help her significantly. She was only granted these subsidies as a result of being on maternity leave prior to the pandemic because she was making only 33 percent of her normal pay, which allowed her to meet the minimum requirement for government funded daycare provisions. Oddly enough, she was grateful for her “low income status” as it proved to the government that she was in need of support and daycare funding. Sienna makes the comparison of daycare fees being equivalent to the price of rent, while explaining her fear that after this tax season, she will begin having to pay for daycare in full as a result of working full-time hours at her new job.

_{“But like also daycare is expensive. Daycare is rent. I’m telling you I am on subsidies with daycare as a single parent. It’s helping tremendously. But I had to pay my first month of daycare before my subsidy even kicked in to like ensure my spot… I had to pay the first month, and the first month was 1800 dollars. Just for daycare. And then for the first month, I had to pay like all the like, subscription fees, like the registration fee. This fee, this fee, like the one time fees. So it ended up being 2500 dollars just for the first month. Every month after that if I was paying for it fully out of pocket it would be 1800 dollars. It literally is rent to put your kids in daycare.”}

Government Subsidies

• 

Sienna concludes with her criticism of government subsidies and their inadequacy of helping single mothers during COVID-19. She mentioned her fears related to the possibility of her needing to leave work as a result of contracting the virus, and her fear that the bi-weekly 900 dollar subsidy would not be enough.

_{“Because what do I do if I get COVID, I would literally have to stay home. And the benefit is like $900 every two weeks. So like 1800 dollars a month, which is only the daycare fee. And then like if a single mother is stopping working her full time job where she was probably making like double that. And now she has to pay rent. Forget the daycare fee. I can’t even pay rent and the daycare fee. You know what I mean?”}

After voicing these concerns, Sienna provided a recommendation for the Ontario government, one she felt would be helpful not only for herself but for many other single mothers in similar predicaments during COVID-19. The recommendation relates to emergency daycares for people who lost childcare as a result of an outbreak. While some may rely on a partner to care for a child while the other partner is at work, single mothers do not have this available to them. With daycare closures leaving single mothers scrambling for childcare, the second wave of the virus may be the needle that breaks the camel’s back.

***

Taylor Domingos

Taylor Domingos is in her final year of undergraduate studies at the University of Toronto Mississauga, completing a double major in Sociology and Criminology with a minor in Women and Gender Studies. She is most passionate about topics related to gender inequalities in the criminal justice system, carceral practices in Canada, youth justice, and civil rights law. She has volunteered at various NGO’s including Peel Children’s Centre and F.E.A.T for Children of Incarcerated Parents. Taylor plans to continue her studies in a master’s program in Sociology at the University of Toronto where she will continue doing research related to sexual violence by correctional officers in the Canadian context. 

Gender disparities have long been documented in sociological research. Rates of pay, household chores, and unpaid work hours are just a few examples of areas where gender differences persist. But how are these disparities bred within the home and what are their effects? Specifically, I wondered how they were bred in a home similar to the one I was raised in: the Afghan-Canadian household. The main aim of my project was to consider how gender, culture, and coming-of-age intersect.

I conducted seven interviews with Afghan women and men aged 18 to 22. The interviews told a story about Afghans’ unique experiences in Canada, from which three central themes emerged. Firstly, I found that significant generational shifts have occurred in the norms of late-adolescent Afghan-Canadians versus their parents. Secondly, I illustrate how explicit gendered expectations contributed to discrepancies in the household responsibilities of Afghan boys and girls. Thirdly, I outline the different coping mechanisms and emotional skills that developed from these gendered expectations.

Changing Generations

            Evident in all seven interviews was a shift from traditional to modern cultural ideas within Afghan households. The shift was seemingly solidified through the influence of Canadian culture and access to formal education. Both male and female participants gave similar responses, calling for changes in what they observed to be patriarchal regimes.

Ariana, a 21-year-old female university student, contrasted older generational expectations against a new generation of Afghans: “Fairness, equality, equity. Women should not always have to bear the physical tasks of cleaning the house and men should not always have to be the breadwinners, they should give some of that spotlight and some of that experience to the women as well, in this new generation.”

Daoud, an 18-year-old male high school senior, outlined what he had traditionally seen in Afghan households and contrasted it against his hopes for his future family: “What I see is the woman cleans, cooks, does the dishes, and all that stuff, and the man works really hard and supports the family. That’s what I see in my perspective. It has been like this for a long time. But at the same time what I think is that both parents should work together […] when I grow up and I have a wife, I’m not going to sit around and make my wife do all of that stuff […] we’ll help each other.”

Overall, participants demonstrated strong desires to move away from conservative principles, instead valuing more flexible expressions of gender for both men and women.

Gendered Upbringings

When asked about their roles within the home, female participants detailed similar experiences regarding gendered expectations in their upbringings and responsibilities. Expected behaviours within the household were accompanied by limitations to their freedoms.

Ariana described her role in the home, growing up. “I was like a maid. I was there cleaning and helping my mom. I would be mopping the floor, jarooing (sweeping) […] but now when I see my brothers they don’t do any of that crap that I did.” When discussing taking care of guests who visit the home, Ariana continued, “Whenever it happens, the girls are called to do the dishes!”

Another female participant, Basima, described the extensive rules she was instructed to follow throughout her formative years, “Don’t have friends, don’t talk to guys […] don’t wear that clothing at this particular area around this time, stuff like, call me every minute, you have a curfew, very authoritarian, very strict.”

Enervated by double standards, women were keen on sharing the dismay they felt at the hands of sexist expectations within the Afghan household. Policing of clothing, schedules, and relationships were just a few examples of ways female participants felt hindered in their freedom and growth.

Gendered Coping Mechanisms and Emotional Skills

Although overlaps in coping mechanisms for personal problems did occur between male and female participants, there were noticeable gendered differences. Women’s coping mechanisms followed more of a social route with mention of venting to friends, turning to religion, and writing in journals. Men’s coping mechanisms revolved around isolation and escaping their problems through physical activity and drug use.

Interviews were quite evocative. Women, like Farida, detailed how they would handle a difficult situation “by talking to someone […] I talk to people, especially my family.” Men’s accounts, on the other hand, were quite different. Daoud, for example, mentioned that he would: “just accept [failures].” He continued, “In life, there should be failures. Without failures, you can’t keep moving forward. I just accept it […] I don’t really deal with [the failure] anymore […] I just push it aside, keep moving forward […] I go to the gym four times a week […] at the gym I just forget about everything. The gym is like my place for forgetting everything. Literally everything.”

Throughout the interviews, women’s ancillaries of emotional skills were generally more robust, and they demonstrated more nuanced understandings of their emotions. Women were able to draw conclusions regarding their emotional skills in ways that connected trauma and gendered upbringings to the skills they managed to develop. Contrastingly, men spoke little of more sensitive approaches to their problems, and instead tackled their problems with activity-based coping mechanisms. The men felt that emotional approaches were unhelpful to their mental health and sought refuge in physical fitness and drugs.

A New Generation of Afghans

The central themes identified in this study reveal stark differences between Afghan men and women. Women’s treatment emerges as a fundamental conflict among Afghan-Canadians as patriarchal values carried over from conservative Afghanistan come into conflict with Western values of gender equality. In recognizing this conflict, Afghan women’s gendered upbringings force them to confront their emotional responses. Over time, they begin to make sense of their dual identities.

To preserve their individual identities and seek opportunities in the North-American context in ways that are outside of their parents’ wishes, female participants had to participate in nuanced self-reflections. By comparison, men’s experiences with external limitations through reprimand and policing in the household were few and far between. Both the men and women of this study acknowledged these differences and agreed that improvements were needed. This current generation of Afghan-Canadians appear to be embarking on a journey of self-discovery as they navigate the influence of gender, culture, history, and migration on their socialization.

Yagana Samim is an Afghan-Canadian student at the University of Toronto currently pursuing a specialist in Criminology and two minors in Women and Gender Studies and Sociology. She will continue conducting research in the area of gender disparities and deviant sexuality in a Sociology Master’s in the Fall of 2019.

 

“It’s so frustrating!”—South Asian Immigrants’ experiences in the labour market.

Written by Ayesha Tak 

On the day I had to give my presentation on my research topic, I was running late to school. With class starting in 15 minutes and knowing the bus takes an hour to reach to campus, I did what every “millennial” does and ordered an Uber. The driver asked me what I’m studying at the university. “Sociology,” I answered. He nodded and told me he is from the Philippines and that pursuing a degree in Sociology was not common there. He recently migrated to Canada and told me that he finished his college diploma in the Philippines and came here to look for better jobs in his field. However, at the moment, he is an Uber driver by day and works as a warehouse labourer by night.

This conversation, as I was on my way to present on downward mobility among immigrants, was not coincidental at all.  In Mississauga, a city full of immigrants, you are bound to run into someone experiencing downward mobility as a result of immigration. If you are in your 20s and university-educated, downward mobility does not sound like a big deal or in the realm of possibilities. However, if you ask an older immigrant, you will uncover what a massive hardship it is to move to a new country and have to start again (so to speak). Many immigrants leave behind their families and spend a significant amount of money due to migration costs. They also take a risk on a new country that may or may not extend a warm welcome.

My research looked at the experiences of three South Asian immigrants from Mississauga, Brampton, and London, Ontario; Feroze, Deepika, and Hana. The main findings of the article are divided into three subsections: Credential recognition (or the lack thereof), social obligations, and low morale.

All of the participants claimed that there is a discrepancy between what Canada qualifies as credentials versus what the job market considers acceptable. This theme is also common in much of the previous research conducted on this topic. Participants described how even though they have more-than-adequate education, what was really in demand in the job market was Canadian experience. Having Canadian job market experience is more important to the older participants—Feroze and Deepika. Whereas, Hana voiced the same underemployment woes that plague many young new-grads today.  The Canadian job market experience didn’t matter as much for her since she completed her education in Canada, which qualifies as automatic experience.

Deepika immigrated to Canada from Sri Lanka to start a new life as a married adult and built a family here, leaving her parents and friends behind. However, Feroze immigrated with his family but left his siblings and extended family behind in Pakistan. Despite their differences, both of them faced a difficult time coping with the individualistic and isolating life in cold Canada, as compared to the collectivist societies in South Asian countries. Deepika reminisced about how her house used to be full of guests, and Feroze talked about how he had left his education incomplete to take care of his siblings. Both of these experiences made immigration difficult for the individuals.  Both participants further explained how significant it was to have friends living in Canada to help them settle in and cope. Hana did not experience this same hardship as she immigrated to Canada with her family as a young girl. Her family also had the support system of their extended family who were citizens of Canada.

Coping with poor labour market prospects and the isolating coldness of Canada takes a toll on self-esteem, morale, and mental health for the participants. While some immigrants, like Feroze, look toward entrepreneurship to carve out their place in the Canadian labour market, some mothers like Deepika have to juggle childcare on top of jobseeking. Deepika had to perform what Arlie Hochschild coined the “double-shift.” In South Asian culture, the fathers are the primary breadwinners whereas the mother is responsible for domestic duties. If the mother decides to work in paid labour, she is still expected to keep up with caretaking duties. Deepika also describes crying due to feelings of helplessness and loneliness. Feroze started to appreciate his entrepreneurial skills after his brief stint as a courier, where he worked for small pay while putting in hard work, as many immigrants do. Hana is looking to become a social worker, but despite enrollment in a social work program and the Canadian credentials to prove it, she is still facing a hard time. In her experience, she claims the defeminizing of the social work profession could be a reason why finding employment in her field as proven challenging. According to Hana, being a woman of colour makes it more difficult to get into social work. However, all participants are continuing to persevere.

To summarize my research, the following quote from Deepika proves helpful: “I would like to work hard. I don’t want to be lazy. I’m not that kind of person, but give me a job. I don’t know dear; it’s so frustrating.”

 

Ayesha Tak was born in Karachi and grew up in Canada. She is in her fourth year doing her specialist in Sociology at UTM. She plans to continue her studies and hopes her research makes a positive impact one day.

A Resilience Perspective on Newcomer Youth: Multicultural Programming and Capacity Building

Written by Shelita Yacoob

 

I began by asking the group a simple but difficult question: What do you miss most about Syria?

Immediately, I felt an upsurge of overwhelming silence.

As I looked over to Maryam, I noticed that she had a curious smile on, perhaps to disguise the tears that were welling up in her eyes. She responded, “my family, of course.” Rasha, who was sitting next to her, comforted her with a hug, wiping her tears away; she blushed trying her best to hold her own tears back.

As a researcher, I felt guilty for provoking such an emotional response. In what started off as a fun and uplifting conversation between myself and five vibrant young refugees from Syria and Lebanon, quickly became an awkward and uncomfortable space.

I situated my research at a Multicultural settlement services agency in Mississauga, ON, where I conducted semi-structured interviews, facilitated a focus group, and conducted ethnographic observations. Multicultural Services of Peel (MSP) is an organization that helps newcomers and refugees overcome the pre- and post-arrival barriers they experience as they transition into their new environment. The Youth Community Connections Program (YCC) serves around 500 youth ages 13-24 annually. The YCC program allows youth to participate in activities such as the job-search workshop, homework clubs, baking and art activities, field trips, sports, and games.

When I began my research, I started with the intention of gaining an understanding of how Syrian refugee youth perceive the settlement process and the mechanisms that are available to them to cope with pre and post-arrival factors. Some of these factors include – but are not limited to – mental health concerns, social exclusion, limited social ties, bullying, and language difficulties.

Through my research, it is clear that one of the primary functions of YCC programs is to bring youth together and create a space for them to socialize in a positive and open environment.

As I sat down with Jahida, a participant of the YCC program, she shared:

“It’s a good step for them [MSP] to take us to various places, and then to make us play different games… you know in games […], you’re making friends, you’re doing fun… so yeah I played a lot of games of there. Like card games and stuff, and volleyball. So, […] you connect with people and have fun! It’s beyond your studies and beyond your competitive environment… it’s more fun.”

Leah, a volunteer of the YCC program, later confirmed this as she explained:

“It’s a safe space, I mean there are certain friend groups that hang out together, but it’s never like four corners, everyone kind of intermixes in their own way, in their own time. But it is definitely a nice safe, a social space where they can hang out with their friends or talk to other people in their language and not feel like a teacher is over their shoulders or something.”

It became clear to me that the YCC program was instrumental in fostering an open and barrier-free environment where youth felt comfortable interacting and socializing in a group setting.

Another finding that struck me was that access to formal capacity-building initiatives was made through informal programs and activities. As I sat down with Katzia, the YCC program coordinator, she clarified that through informal programs, such as games, workshops and homework clubs, newcomer youth became aware of formal supports and information.

“They’ll find out about something like kids help phone, what does it do, who can contact it?… so they are aware that there are resources. Because as you know, as a newcomer settlement organization, maybe I can’t deal with certain issues, but they will learn about services that are available to them… so kids help phone is one of those, mental health services… I made sure that I have those resources here as well, information about those resources … and then things like information about the educational system, that’s one that we have a lot of questions about, as well as looking for a job, and how to prepare your resume and things like that.”

Similarly, Jahida, a user of the services, confirmed she would often discuss University and career goals with staff such as Katzia and Sergio. She also shared that the program was instrumental in helping her to enhance her English communication skills.

She stated: “I started to talk there, I used to be a really shy sort of person… and then in my university, it was a hard time for me… because you would have participation marks… […] so it was really hard for me to talk in front of 50 people… so MSP I used to talk there… it’s a communication thing for me.”

This indicated that the YCC Program promoted inclusion and a sense of belonging. It also encouraged intercultural dialogue amongst youth, which led to the formation of social ties.

The most predominant theme in my research was that they still hold career and educational aspirations, despite the fact that refugee youth experienced a lot of pre- and post-migration barriers. I admired their strong sense of resilience as they shared their aspirations to enroll in College and University training. They had desires to become police officers, doctors, and teachers.

For instance, Jahida was excited to share her desire to start up her own NGO. She stated: “I want to run my own business by the way! So, I want to have a business background. My ultimate aim is to run an NGO in Pakistan… Because there are a lot of poor people in Pakistan… Like here, it’s mostly mediocre, and they are living a good life. But in Pakistan, they are like… I don’t know… maybe more than half of the population is just trying to afford their basic needs. So, I want to help them and make employment opportunities for them or do good for the society.”

It was at this point that I realized that the youth in my study developed a strong sense of resilience as a proactive response to the adversity that they faced. Specifically, the youth’s career and educational aspirations were strongly linked to their desire to give back to society and make a difference.

My research contributes to the existing body of literature that examines how newcomer youth negotiate their educational and career aspirations in the post-migration context. My findings suggest that specialized programming for newcomer youth are highly effective in helping them overcome post-migration barriers, and gain access to capacity-building initiatives. The significance of better understanding how newcomer youth perceive these forms of social support cannot be underestimated. Without understanding the mechanisms that assist newcomers in their new contexts, we fail to meet their needs adequately, specifically in how they can maneuver through systemic barriers.

 

Shelita Yacoob is a passionate young woman aspiring to start an NGO to assist victims of human trafficking, domestic abuse, and sexual violence. She is currently pursuing a Bachelor’s Degree at the University of Toronto with a double Major in Socio-Legal Studies and Political Science. Shelita has spent six years working with a diverse range of NGOs and has become proficient in the field of fundraising and community development.